The BJP should congratulate itself for being able to dismantle other parties using its financial clout and government institutions. However, the party has not achieved this by bolstering its own power; rather, it appears to have realised that there is no room for further independent growth in Maharashtra.
    Instead, it has opted to get saline drips from two dissident factions of long-standing regional parties, the Shiv Sena and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP). For the position of Chief Minister, currently held by Eknath Shinde, who oversaw the first act of operation break and make when he toppled the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) government led by Uddhav Thackeray less than a year ago, the BJP has undoubtedly honed the skill of engineering defections to the point where a revolving door is prepared. 
    Source: The Indian Express
    Ajit Pawar of the NCP, the most recent Shiv Sena defector, would be able to succeed Shinde as chief minister if 16 Shiv Sena MLAs, including Shinde, are found to be ineligible.
    Would the BJP leadership now dismiss Shinde using the justification of his disqualification? According to internal studies, he may not have been able to reduce public support for the original Shiv Sena (outside of Thane area). Pawar, who would have the most influence among defectors in terms of general clout, is eagerly awaiting the realisation of his ambition of becoming Chief Minister. He is a Maratha and is surrounded by some independent-minded leaders who are all at risk of having their property attached by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) and/or criminal proceedings.
    The ED and political bigamy thus give the BJP a variety of options. But what about the state leadership of the party itself? Devendra Fadnavis, who serves as deputy chief minister, is a weakened figure whose function appears to be to encourage defections. He was never a popular figure; rather, he was picked following the Modi wave of 2014. Because of his Brahmin heritage, he has a relatively limited caste vote in a place where anti-Brahman movements have a long history.
    Other state BJP officials who have fostered constituencies are dissatisfied with the arrival of outsiders, in addition to Fadnavis, who derives his power from a group in Nagpur (the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) headquarters) and New Delhi.  The top positions, ministries, and eventually seats must be awarded to those outside the RSS/BJP brotherhood. What would have been a whole cake now has to be divided into three equal portions.

    Source: Times Now
    The national leadership of the BJP is in charge of the design and is aiming its criticism at the opposition since it appears to be aware of the flaws in the state unit. Additionally, it apparently wants to limit Opposition forces’ access to public funds as much as possible. However, this may also backfire by gaining support for Thackeray, as has apparently been the case, and now for Sharad Pawar, whose NCP just fractured. The BJP is hurt by the second local narrative, which is that investments are moving to Gujarat. The BJP’s response to everything is straightforward: promote the Modi image and make every narrative and identity fit within a Hindu vs. Muslim framework.
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